There is a very real enthusiasm in Saudi Arabia for the second Trump administration and the possible renewal of American conservatism. The new Administration should take the opportunity to reset the relationship on a more stable basis by inviting Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman back to Washington.

President Trump made Saudi Arabia the first stop on his first trip abroad in 2017, sending a signal that he viewed the relationship as a linchpin for American policy in the Arab world. There was a desire to put Riyadh front and center as the face of a changing Middle East, in which the United States could serve as a strategic partner for a transformational future. That will probably be on the agenda again, especially with the crown prince holding out the prospect of normalization with Israel and actively promoting regional peace talks for a two-state solution. 

It is important for the new administration to understand it has built up an incredible amount of political and social capital in the kingdom, which will allow it to explore a wide range of issues beyond peace-making in the Middle East. It should take advantage of this goodwill and welcome Saudi leaders to Washington. The first step is to understand and appreciate the broad reservoir of support that exists among many Saudis for American conservatism, the Republican Party, and President Trump’s own political agenda. 

DEI in Riyadh

The term “Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion” (DEI) is not commonly used in Arabic, though versions of it appear at times in the mainstream press. Several Arab outlets have reported rather factually about the Black Lives Matter movement and the DEI agenda in terms of their contribution to revising the historical record and in terms of the corruption scandals that have surrounded them. Some organizations have written DEI principles into their mission statements, probably with the help of Western consultants. There is even the rare social media post decrying how a Trump victory means the end of LGBTQ rights in Saudi Arabia. 

However, far more writers have recoiled in shock and horror at the way cultural liberalism has contributed to a polarization in American politics and a weakening of American influence abroad. It is impossible to know the full extent of Saudi public opinion since only a couple of organizations are able to conduct surveys in the kingdom and only under very limited conditions.  However, Saudi nationals are voracious users of social media, and even if they occasionally self-censor politics, debate can be extraordinarily open and opinionated on social and cultural issues.

For a typical example of the discussions that have taken place, consider the following exchange on X from October 25. Abdullah al-Khorayif, a Saudi national and graduate of the University of Michigan with 2.8 million followers, posted a summary in Arabic of an article about Avery Jackson. This was the transgender child who, at nine years old, graced the cover of a 2017 National Geographic feature on the “gender revolution.” Abdullah offered no real commentary of his own, though his very loose translation did highlight the irreversibility of transitioning and the supposed regret that the subject now feels. 

The immediate reaction from one user was to simply ask whether a small child is capable of fully expressing their needs and desires without prompting from an adult. Some questioned the mother’s motives for allowing and encouraging the transition, while others questioned a legal system that would allow minors to undergo permanent changes. Entire side conversations were devoted to placing the blame on the Biden administration and its continuation of a particular set of policies originating in the Obama years. Several users noted the discussion seemed to mirror a conversation among Americans responding to Elon Musk’s own reposting of the original article. In other words, there was a self-awareness that some people in America shared their views. 

The Golden Prime of the GOP

Saudi Arabian social media users engaging in the debate about “Wokeism” come from a variety of backgrounds. Many are presenting their unfiltered, spontaneous thoughts about a social issue they perceive to be a problem. By contrast, those commenting on party politics are more often experienced pundits, carefully attuned to the bias of American legacy media channels and the ways parties attempt to influence the media cycle. They are also often strongly nationalist and pro-government.

They tend to share a sense of nostalgia for a Republican Party they believe was historically friendlier toward the kingdom. Whether or not that perception is entirely true is debatable, as one prominent Saudi academic was quick to remind people. It was unarguably so at the peak of Bandar bin Sultan’s heyday as Saudi ambassador in Washington, which is still within living memory. Similarly, an incredible amount was accomplished under Presidents Nixon and Ford to help the Saudis build infrastructure, preserve water resources, and increase government capacity.

Regardless, many commentators focus on drawing a comparison between what they see as the Trump administration’s efforts to confer respect and dignity on the kingdom and the Biden Administration’s virtue-signaling. Many continue to recall President Biden’s remark on the campaign trail in 2019 that he would make Saudi Arabia a “pariah.” Sometimes, this is conflated with a general suspicion of the Democratic Party. At least one poll from the Washington Institute in 2022 showed that Biden’s visit to Riyadh in his attempt to reset the relationship had “virtually no effect on Saudi popular attitudes.” At least one poll from the Washington Institute in 2022 showed that Biden’s visit to Riyadh in his attempt to reset the relationship had “virtually no effect on Saudi popular attitudes.” The most creative approaches are those that combine a heady mix of Arab Nationalism and Arabism in attacking Hilary Clinton and the Muslim Brotherhood.

America First and Saudi First

Public opinion surveys on Saudi Arabia are exceedingly scarce. Still, rare examples have shown Saudi nationals to have more favorable opinions of Trump than other Arabs in the region, with their views improving after his May 2017 visit. The notion of Saudi greatness is emblazoned on advertisements and social media accounts, though the phrase “Make Saudi Great Again” itself is not a slogan. The Saudi state does share some aspects of the American political narrative—a great leader delivering change and hope, a course correction after years of cultural drift, and a catchphrase of “Saudi First” that appeals to national sentiments. 

There are also similarities in policy. For a long time, Saudi Arabia has had an existential crisis about guns, drugs, and crime coming over its southern border. The development strategy involves preserving culture and bringing investment to underserved communities outside the capital. The drive is on to move headquarters, technologies, and skills back home to the kingdom to boost job growth and benefit local industries.

While some writers in other parts of the Arab world have attacked MAGA supporters for promoting dangerous conspiracy theories and threatening the end of democracy, using language that echoes the rhetoric they hear in American media, a number of Saudis have been more nuanced. Some see real value in Trump’s political agenda and yet recognize that an extremist far-right group of MAGA supporters could derail it, calling on Trump to disown them. There were Saudi writers in December 2020 who stated quite plainly that Trump’s refusal to concede the election was putting personal ambition above the party and country. 

Seizing the Moment

For a long time, Washington relied on Cairo and Amman as mainstays of diplomacy in the Arab world. This was partly as a reward for their willingness to make peace with Israel and partly because those countries wanted foreign assistance and attention. Since the Arab Spring and the Abraham Accords, American diplomacy has become more decentralized. There may be benefits to that approach, but there are also advantages to having a focal point for major initiatives. For example, the president should know that he has a reliable partner ready to provide him with a platform for a major policy announcement at a critical moment when Arab public opinion is against the United States. 

The enthusiasm that exists in Saudi Arabia right now is tangible and important for U.S. policy in the region. Many in the kingdom have been hoping for an end to the liberal policies of the Biden-Harris camp, a restoration of Republican Party politics as they remembered it, and a resumption of President Trump’s personal approach to regional engagement. Saudi perceptions may be nuanced and critical at times. Their feelings may be motivated by a range of domestic factors. However, the key point is that this wellspring of positive sentiment will allow the Trump administration to explore engagement with Riyadh on global priorities in a way that could not have occurred in 2017.

Joshua Yaphe is a Visiting Fellow at the Center for the National Interest. He previously served as Senior Analyst for the Arabian Peninsula at the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR), Visiting Faculty at the National Intelligence University (NIU), and scholar-in-residence at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations. He has a Ph.D. from American University and is the author of Saudi Arabia and Iraq as Friends and Enemies: Borders, Tribes and a History Shared (University of Liverpool Press, 2022).